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Six months after arrival of AfD in Bundestag, it becomes clear how conservative edge of union wants to respond to right-wing populists: with symbolic political mimicry. Alexander Dobrindts calls after a “conservative revolution” were just in a while, as recycled Horst Seehofer immediately made a classic from Handbook for Culture fighters. Via Bild-Zeitung he made it impossible to justify that Islam does not belong to Germany. Jens Spahn, who has not been leaving a microphone for months, to conduct clowning of political discourse with commentary on English-speaking hipsters or commitment to “Burkaphobie”, has defined Hartz IV recipients out of poverty And explained to women why y do not need a full right to self-determination in event of abortions.
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Are first contours of post-Merkel era now characterized in this aggressive Klamaukkonservatismus? Yes, is Union slipping into an intra-partisan cultural struggle? It is no secret that re are some among Christian Democrats who prefer to have a right-back sooner than later. It is also known that y feel confirmed by success of AfD. However, it is necessary to take a closer look at recent remarks by Dobrindt, Seehofer and Spahn. There are three readings of se rhetorical Verschärfungsstrategie, which partly complement each or, but also compete with each or.
For one, rhetoric distracts from ors. For example, former Minister of Transport Dobrindt that no or member of Government of past legislature – keywords: car tolls and broadband expansion – has such a disastrous balance as he did. At Spahn, she is distracted by fact that, with his entry as a health minister, he plugged direct criticism from opposition, since he had been involved in a consulting firm that works for medical and Pharmalobby years ago. In case of Seehofer, finally, of his intimate foe Markus Söder. It should hardly be a coincidence that his interview with Islam appeared on day when Söder was elected Bavarian prime minister. Seehofer Stahl Söder show.
Secondly, we should not confuse media volume with political power, especially in Union. The more shrill someone appears in Merkel universe, farr away it is from center of power. Even if chancellor may have lost a little of authority, she has succeeded in placing her familiar Annegret Kramp-cart-builders and Helge Braun in essential places, post of CDU general secretary and those of Chancellor head officials.
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In his recently reissued Helmut Kohl biography, journalist Patrick Bahners puts it on point: “Politics is a game in which every participant exerts himself to prove his own irreplaceability against all odds.” Those who, like Spahn, can only do so within institutionalized spheres, as a political illusion artist, must almost inevitably rely on media to simulate problems that solution of which he issues himself.
If one looks at recent history of Christian Democrats, politicians from beat Spahns were rar rule than exception, Friedrich Merz, Philipp Mißfelder or Roland Koch. Even Helmut Kohl, whose policy style, as one can easily understand in history of book, has much more similarities with that of Merkel than many have assumed, had to ask himself by his policy of approximate often comparable challenger. However, if Merkel and Kohl can (almost) always fend m off by sitting down or skillful personnel policies, current debates in Union do not seem to be like a cultural struggle, but rar like maintenance work on Christian Democratic Brand Core.
This does not mean that in foreseeable future a kind of inner-non partisan cultural struggle could not actually grow out of it. Or more precisely: what is being said under term. To logically completely absurd claim that Muslims belonged to Germany, but Islam does not, presumably not even Seehofer himself. Likewise, it is difficult to imagine that Jens Spahn really is empirically simply untenable view that Burkas formed a federal German problem. That means: where cultural struggle is on it, power is political cynicism.
