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With toil and distress, old Chancellor KonradAdenauer once again saved himself in a new coalition – which many observers also say about Angela Merkel today. How does that end? Maybe it actually helps a look into story.
After great losses in DenBundestagswahlen of September 17, 1961, Adenauer seemed to be politically as good as done. Neverless, he was able to assert himself during following, conceivably dramatic Koalitionsverhandlungennoch. Torn he played a guard of younger Unionspolitikeran wall. Minister of Defense Franz Josef Strauss, Minister of Economic Affairs LudwigErhard and Bundestag president Eugen Gerstenmaier had made hopes to Chancellery, because FDP wanted to coalition with Union, but freely according to motto “Adenauer has to go” had recruited votes. Amener was killed by FDP chief Erich Mende, but personally (as now AndreaNahles) did not go to cabinet.
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is a professor of contemporary history at University of Mannheim.
Adenauer’s success was short-lived. Seineletzte term was tortured, overshadowed by a political meltdown, Dersich into collective memory: in The Mirror Affair in 1962, young FRG scarred hair sharply past einerStaatskrise. Strauss, who had actively operated illegal arrest of an editor, lied Bundestag; Adenauer defended him in TumultuösenSitzung with legendary words: “We have an abyss of treason.” An indignant public regarded this as an attack on freedom of press UndDemokratie. Because responsible FDP justice minister having been referred left in dark, coalition broke up. Adenauer had to resign to October 1963versprechen. The mirror crisis also showed that Adenauer did not only cover questionable methods, but gestrigagierte foreign policy. The subject of incriminated mirror-Artikelswar has been a dispute over realignment of NATO’s strategy. This verweigertesich headstrong old man Adenauer, and thus put an agreement with diversitytrade of ir youthful President Kennedy at risk.
Schmidt proved at least attitude
KeinKanzler has since been happily divorced from office, only two out of seven habenihre last term at all regularly brought to an end; No one has yet set significant substantive accents in Seinerletzten period. Usually, a more or less unpleasant farewell to instalments, overshadows VonDiadochenkämpfen and political deadlock. Despite his beachtlichenWahlerfolgs in 1965, Erhard was also dismantled harshly by means of so-called party friends, because he, “Far of economic miracle”, had bad luck that his second term was first recession since early 1950s. As he was at same time joking with French President de Gaulle and US PräsidentJohnson, he was re as an internal and foreign policy loser. Neir could he deliver as an “Atlanticist”, nor did he score as an economic reformer.
The tumbling descent from WillyBrandt has a particularly drastic effect after its historic triumph in “Willy” elections in 1972. He hattedie SPD to her greatest victory, but two years later he was settled. DerFriedensnobelpreisträger and architect of eastern policy had his best time at beginning of Seinerzweiten period of office. In Middle East crisis, re was no prescription that oil price shock in 1973 led to a dramatic increase in derArbeitslosenzahlen, margins of reform dwindling. No more visions were asked, but pragmatism. That embodied Helmut Schmidt. When a GDR spy was unmasked in Brandtsdirektem environment, beet-and zunehmenddepressive chancellor, not far away from suicidal thoughts, took advantage of reason for resignation. The powerful Bundestag group chairman and “breeding master” of SPD, Herbert Wehner, Hatteihn in Decisive session not to stay, but to nurvielsagend on his whistle. Brandt took political Verantwortungauf himself, came to a journalistic chase before. In resignation he showed size and has not, like Adenauer or Erhard, clung to power.
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Schmidt was also not allowed to set a erfolgreichenKrisenmanagements in end after six years. The world economist and fighter against terrorism clearly won against Baroque Bavarian Franz Josef Strauss in 1980. But his mandate was weak. In re-aufgelegtensozialliberalen coalition, it crunched from beginning. Schmidt had durchgekämpft NATO double decision in 1979, but now large parts of his own party broke away in Dieserkritischen foreign policy question. Many SPD members stood aufseiteneiner powerful peace movement, which formed against retrofitting. Auchwirtschaftspolitisch was socially liberal coalition exhausted. The autumn of 1982 was over. Schmidt proved his position, looked at Unvermeidlichentapfer and was replaced by Helmut Kohl by a konstruktivesMisstrauensvotum.
