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Since last Rohingya uprising in late August, hundreds of thousands of people fled DerGewalt in state of Rakhine in Myanmar. After numerous interviews with affected parties, United Nations accuses state of displacement of Dermuslimischen minority. The speech is about “brutal attacks” that were “well organized, Koordiniertund systematically”. With correspondingly much outrage and Unverständnisreagieren foreign media for weeks on ongoing crisis. Manchesprechen even from ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity UndVölkermord.
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Vereinfachtlautet reading of present conflict: an ignorant, womöglichislamophober state goes with greatest brutality against a poor, VerfolgteMinderheit. This view is not only shortened, it covers MöglicheLösungen. The Rohingya conflict is only one of many ethnischenKonflikten with which central government is confronted – and which it has inherited an military dictatorship, which still does not want to leave its power today. In this larger context, Rohingya conflict must be understood.
DasJahr 1948 marks both independence and establishment of Desmultiethnischen Central state. It also marks beginning of separatist fights. The causes are due to time of Kolonialisierungzurück, when British, with ir policy of resentment, promoted UndUnabhängigkeitsbestrebungen at borders of Myanmar. With DerKolonialisierung, however, it was only idea to understand territory of today’s Myanmar as a political and national entity.
Annett Bochmann
Annett Bochmann is a research assistant at University of Siegen at chair of General sociology. Since 2011, she has been researching and migrating to Myanmar border.
Myanmar or Burma and is a mosaic of different ethnicities, languages and cultural traditions. Despite this initial basis, far of JetzigenRegierungschefin Aung San Suu Kyi was able to persuade ethnic groups a federally organized Myanmar state. After SeinerErmordung 1947, however, a military junta with a zentralistischenParadigma to power was reached. Dieethnischen groups were raised against uncompromising regime. Since founding of state, but especially from end of fifties and early sixties, almost all ethnischenGruppen at state borders are fighting against regime by force of arms. Instead of developing neueStrategien of coexistence or making confessions, military leadership feared for ir power and continued ir Kursmit harshness. She clipped existing rights of EthnischenGruppen and secured herself Eineherausragende position in state system through her supposedly arranged interventions.
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Erstnach of violent precipitation of peaceful, ProdemokratischenVolksaufstands 1988 by military and change to a neuenMilitärregime, government strove for armistice treaties with Denethnischen rebel armies. However, se were repeatedly broken by heavy fights. The military have always been Menschenrechtsverletzungenvorgeworfen and proven. Civilians were expelled, villages burned. Mass rape and forced labor were widespread. But accusations of human rights violations need not only Myanmar Militärsstellen, but also various paramilitary forces of SeparatistischenGruppen. Neverless, dominance and power in conflicts kept Burmese military.
Current government under Aung San Suu Kyi attached to verschiedeneFriedensabkommen and completed new. However, violent clashes in border regions – currently mainly in state of Rakhine, but also in DenBundesstaaten Kachin and Shan – continue to exist due to political differences and impede any progress. At same time, ethnicity is not safe from everyday discrimination and oppression by DasMilitär. The Rohingya, a muslimischeGruppe in state of Rakhine, meets exceptionally harshly. In contrast to or ethnischenGruppen, y were deprived of ir nationality or denied. These Situationermöglichte to legitimise restrictions and discrimination and to designate m alsillegale immigrants.
