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A ballroom in south of Rome, three days before general election: Luigi Di Maio enters stage. Dozens of TV cameras take him into focus. Mariella Basile clutches her smartphone. He, top candidate of five-Star Movement, stands upright in front of spectators. She, lawyer, takes a picture of him. He smiles, she rejoices.
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Luigi di Maio often laughs. His boyish innocent smile is usually first thing people perceive in him. Mariella Basile likes this smile. She is not an activist who donates money or makes an election campaign for five-Star Movement. But for years, 33-year-old has been pursuing what Di Maio does. When she has time, she visits events on which he appears. Because his laughter looks so damn good, she says. “But I choose him because he represents right policy for Italy. And because he was a good prime minister. “
Luigi di Maio? Prime Minister? After Emanuel Macron in France and Sebastian Kurz in Austria anor young man who could suddenly be at head of a European country? A few weeks ago, many people would have shaken ir heads with this thought. Too young, too good, too humble, too inexperienced, too little Berlusconi. That was short analysis. For a long time, 31-year-old Italian was ridiculed for his ambitions. But now, after parliamentary election, no one laughs any more, except Di Maio of course, who always laughs.
Deals he already concluded with his teachers
The five-Star Movement, abbreviated M5S (Movimento5Stelle), party, refore, which long did not want to be a party, has become strongest force. It scored 32 percent of vote. Among voters up to 44 years, even more than 40 percent opted for m. You have to look back a few decades to find something similar in Italy. Since 1983, no party has been able to convince. “Absolute victory,” said Di Maio to success. In his constituency of Acerra at Naples, he won with overwhelming 64 percent.
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The government work would be a first for five-Star Movement and for Luigi Di Maio. Only five years have passed since 2013 elections, when movement first took place in parliamentary elections. A single face had movement back n: its founder and leader Beppe Grillo. He captivated his audience with Wuttiraden against “politician caste”. At mass rallies re was same ritual every time: behind him stood a flock of unknown candidates, almost all young, almost all in jeans and T-shirt. except one.
The only 26-year-old di Maio fell by his appearance at that time. The smooth face slightly tanned, black hair trimmed short, he always presented himself in good-looking suit to his smile, including a white shirt and a discreet tie. “He looks like one of Forza Italia,” as one from ranks of Silvio Berlusconi, blasphemed a parliamentarian from anor group, when Di Maio moved to national parliament after elections as a member.
Di Maio could and would not deny his civic background. Located in town of Pomigliano, at gates of Naples, son of a builder and a teacher, he grew up in a tightly right family home. His far was a member of fascist Movimento Sociale Italiano and successor party, democratically-turned Alleanza Nazionale, which had been part of Berlusconi Alliance since 1994.
Several times, Luigi Di Maios’s far ran unsuccessfully for city Council. He himself won school speaker’s choice in high school. When he organized a demonstration for a new school building, his political instinct was evident. He managed to have teachers take part in demo as well. Many observers surprised. What y did not know: The pupil Luigi Di Maio had concluded a deal with m before protest campaign: If you take part in demo, n re will be no more student strikes or school replacements.
