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It’s tragic. Western capitalism is feverish and coughing, but no doctor is sitting at his bedside, but lobbyist of a pharmaceutical. Actually a good starting position for left. However, only in ory, because it is weakened and staggers. The crisis of Left has begun long before refugee crisis, it has resigned itself with capitalism – and is refore torn for as long as no longer.
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The Social Democrats in particular are in quicksand, every movement seems to pull m down. If y do not find a way of renewal, SPD threatens fate of ir European sister parties: in France, Italy, Nerlands or Greece, y are no longer far away from insignificance. The Left party is not in a comparable crisis of existence, it has asserted itself in a stable side position. But momentum is gone, AfD has passed its rank as largest opposition party.
The disenchantment in Left party is so large that a new left-wing People’s party is now brought into play from discontents of left, SPD and greens. The initiative is primarily a means of power struggle within party, politically it is rar questionable. After all, it is precisely principle of people’s Party that is in crisis. It is precisely ir basic premise to be thin in world and, above all, to maximise power, that many voters have alienated old people’s Parties. For m, a new left-hand collection movement would not be an alternative.
Oliver Nachtwey
is professor of sociology at University of Basel. He recently appeared in Suhrkamp Verlag descent company. About rebellion in regressive modern.
More important are political orientations that are being constrained. The fundamental problems of left-wing parties of recent decades are shown here: The dialectical way of thinking has been replaced by a dualistic. The real contradictions of reality are to be dissolved in one direction, rar than contradiction itself. On one hand, Sahra car-servant and Oskar Lafontaine, with a renationalization of politics, want to strengn State against sog of globalization. They seek Zuckrigen temptation of nationalism, which is currently succumbing to so many people, to meet with surrogate of national and democratic sovereignty. In SPD, Sigmar Gabriel is promoting a new home term. On or hand, a libertarian cosmopolitanism is strong. With moral superiority of global humanist, his followers consider welfare state and narrow standard of living that lower classes in rich Germany have achieved, primarily as a Etabliertenvorrechte towards people of Global South.
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The dualism of left-wing thinking is also reflected in dispute over identity politics, fight against discrimination against individual groups and ir right to recognition. Some join conservative narrative, left has neglected suspended. The critics of identity politics think in communicating tubes when y demand to put more on social question and less on identity politics. They forget that entire history of leftist movements, not least of early workers ‘ movement, revolved around question of identity, recognition, autonomy and dignity – and yes, also pride. Social inequality was interpreted as an obstacle to realisation of se claims. The problem of identity politics in recent years was not in its supposed excesses (sexism, for example, is obviously still a major societal problem), but in lack of a sense of vertical social inequalities. They fought for equality of women in supervisory boards, but not against poor working conditions of women in service proletariat.
