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Germany’s works councils are considered to be links. But is this traditional image still topical? In December, German Trade Union Confederation (DGB) warned against influx of employee representatives through rights groups. The background is upcoming operating elections: from March to May, 180,000 employees ‘ representatives will be re-elected in Germany.
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Daimler is a prominent example of development. There, leading members of Employee representative centre automobile are suspected of being extreme right. At Daimler headquarters in Stuttgart-Untertürkheim, group is expected to present four of 45 works council seats.
But how big is phenomenon actually? And what do trade unions do about it? Questions to Klaus Dörre, who research at University of Jena, among ors, on trade unions, participation in companies and right-wing populism.
Time Online: Mr Dörre, how big is right potential in companies?
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Klaus Dörre: We know that 15 percent have chosen DerGewerkschaftsmitglieder AfD. How many will decide on rights works council lists is completely unclear. I believe not that re will be many such lists. The groups often have nochkeine sufficient organizational power. There is also a lack of employees who would be DiePositionen openly in company.
Time Online: So is phenomenon not so big?
Dörre: The far greater problem is works councils, which share union organisiertsind and right-hand positions without having to talk about it openly. Dabeihandelt are in part about exemplary trade unionists who act Innerbetrieblichim meaning of DGB. To outside, however, y act with AfD and MitPegida. In such cases, dispute is much more difficult than open-right lists.
Time Online: How do solcheArbeitnehmervertreter differ from left works councils?
Dörre: They are pushing for party-political neutrality of trade unions. For example, DieGewerkschaften should no longer be positioned for refugees and against right. This demand goes to roots of social self-understanding of trade unions, which arose from an anti-fascist basic consensus. This is far more dangerous in long run than right lists.
Time Online: So is this goal: to change role of VonGewerkschaften?
Dörre: The basic objective is to occupy social question from right. Gruppenwie Center automobile want to discredit DGB positions as too soft, zuherrschaftsnah. They appear in operation as if y were dieKlassenkämpfer. But y don’t want a class fight, y wollenVolksgemeinschaft. They represent with a critical globalization Gestusund try to reach those employees who feel unions simplified works councils as too close to establishment.
Many parts of critique of such employees are not right at all. If one criticizes what leading works councils in corporations deserve, Dasdurchaus is entitled. Scepticism about intransparent deals between employers and works councils is also not wrong. In fact, DieGewerkschaften have been blackmailed for a long time and have given up many achievements, especially on location issues. They made VieleZugeständnisse. The dissatisfaction with se things has nothing to do with feeling of being suspended, but with injustice.
Time Online: The classic difference between bottom and top is still made.
Dörre: Yes, re is an important addition: German first. In background stehtzudem not openly expressed view that actual Gegensatznicht between bottom and top, but between inside and outside. Dochdas is not clearly articulated in companies, even non-multinational companies like Daimler. If right re were openly attacking minorities, y would have a problem – and employer EineHandhabe. But ideology behind it goes up to GewaltbereiteNeonazi scene, which also spawned NSU.
Time Online: So is it only a painting, when in DenVideos of centre automobile people also have a background in migration?
